Wednesday, April 23, 2008

THERE IS NO DEMOGRAPHIC TIME BOMB

By Ted Belman

Jews in Israel and the Diaspora follow the peace process closely and a majority of them favour the two-state solution. As Yoram Ettinger explains below, this is due in part to their fear of the alleged Demographic Time Bomb.

Yoram Ettinger explains.

1. Support – among Israeli Jews – for the proposed Palestinian state (“Two States Solution”) is soft and reluctant, according to a March 31-April 1 poll conducted by the Tel Aviv University Center For Peace Research.

2. The establishment of the proposed Palestinian state is supported by 68%, many of whom – other than the Israel’s traditional Left – subordinate their security and historical concerns to their demographic concern. However, the demographic scare has been debunked by the Bennett Zimmerman-led American-Israel Demographic Research Group (AIDRG), as summarized below.

3. 55% of Israeli Jews define Judea & Samaria as “Liberated Territory,” compared with 32% who consider it “Occupied Territory,” in defiance of a 15 year old Political-Correctness promoted by Israel’s government, media, academic and k-12 education systems.

4. 57% of Israeli Jews do not accept the “Green Line” as Israel’s border, compared with 23% who accept it.

5. 49%:43% oppose an agreement, which entails painful concessions - a code name for substantial withdrawals.

6. 47%:40% of Israeli Jews consider the 1993 Oslo Accord a mistake.

7. 75% of Israeli Jews don’t believe that negotiation would lead to an agreement with the Palestinians. 75% believe that even if an agreement would be concluded, the Palestinians would not consider it an end to their conflict with Israel.

8. Most Israeli Jews oppose the tangible – potentially lethal - consequences of the “Two State Solution.” Their soft & reluctant support of the “Two State Solution” has been based on unfounded demographic fatalism. It has benefited from the absence of a systematic, full scale educational media campaign, highlighting historical, security and demographic aspects of Judea & Samaria mountain ridges (the “Golan Heights” of Jerusalem, Tel Aviv and the 9-15 mile sliver along the Mediterranean, surrounded by the conflict-ridden, volatile, violent, non-compliant Arab Mideast, which is yet to experience inter-Arab peace).

The American-Israel Demographic Research Group (AIDRG)

Key Findings

April 2008


Western taxpayers have provided, since 1994, a multi-billion dollar foreign aid to the PA, based on dramatically inflated Palestinian numbers. President Bush stated that Prime Ministers Sharon and Olmert argued that Israeli territorial concessions were required, in order to spare Israel a demographic calamity. Really?

I. AIDRG documents a 1.1MN (46%) inflation in the official number of Palestinians in Gaza, Judea & Samaria (2.7MN and not 3.8MN) and a 53% inflation in the official number of Palestinians in Judea & Samaria alone (1.5MN and not 2.3MN). The Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) includes in its census some 400,000 overseas residents, 200,000 Israeli (Jerusalem) Arabs who are also counted as “Green Line” Arabs, ignores about 200,000 emigrants (since 1997), etc. The World Bank documents a 32% gap between the PCBS and the Palestinian Ministry of Education - documented – number of Palestinian births.

II. A long-term 67% Jewish majority on 98.5% of the land between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean (without Gaza). A long-term 60% Jewish majority west of the Jordan River compared with 33% and 8% minority in 1947 and 1900 respectively.

III. Arab fertility rate (within the “Green Line”) has declined 20 year faster than conventionally projected – due to modernity and integration - while Jewish fertility rate is rising.

IV. A 40% rise in annual Jewish births (from 80,400 to 112,000) and a stagnation of annual Arab births (39,000) in the “Green Line” during 1995-2007. Arab-Jewish gap of fertility (number of children per woman) reduced from 6 in 1969 to 0.8 in 2006. Arab fertility rate has declined, in Judea & Samaria, to about 4.5 since its peak (about 8) in the late 1980s.

V. Arab-Jewish fertility rates have converged in Jerusalem – 3.9 children per woman – for the first time since 1948.

VI. Net annual emigration of over 10,000 has characterized Judea & Samaria (mostly) and Gaza Arabs since 1950: 12,000 in 2004, 16,000 in 2005 and 25,000 in 2006.

VII. The Jewish State has benefited from annual Aliya (immigration) since 1882. Repeatedly, since 1948, Israel’s demographic establishment has projected no waves of Aliya.

VIII. Secular Olim (immigrants) from the former Soviet Republics experience fertility increase from the Russian rate of one child per woman toward the average secular Israeli rate of 2.2.

IX. Repeatedly, projections of demographic doom have been refuted by robust Jewish demography between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean. For example, Ben Gurion was urged by Israel’s demographers to delay declaration of independence, lest the 600,000 Jews of 1948 become a minority by 1967!

X. There is a demographic problem, but it is not lethal, and the demographic trend is Jewish and not Arab. The demographic momentum is shifting from the Arab to the Jewish sector. Demography constitutes a strategic asset, not a liability, for the Jewish State.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

As Israelis come to understand there is no demographic time bomb, they will be more inclined to vote against the two-state solution. But many will still favour the two-state solution because they do not want another 1.1 million Arabs in the country even if Israel gets to keep the Westbank and Jerusalem.

But what happens if that ratio is improved by a program to induce Arabs to leave with generous financial support and by expelling everyone connected to terror.

And what if a constitution is passed which protects Israel as a Jewish state and new citizenship rules are passed which require a loyalty test and knowledge of Hebrew and National service.

This suggests they will strongly support annexation of Judea and Samaria rather than painful concessions.

Monday, April 21, 2008

The Fifth Son

By Rav Nachman Kahana


The hagada gives expression to the Torah’s directive to explain to each child the miracles of the exodus from Egyptian bondage. The wise son according to his understanding, down to the one whose simplicity make him disinterested in the past and future of our nation.

This is the obligation of a father on the seder night, but it is the obligation of every rav to teach the belief in the Jewish God to all Jews every day of the year.

For years I have taken the intellectual initiative to convince "stragglers behind the camp" of the truth of the Torah; of our being chosen by HaShem as His people and of our historic right and obligation to Eretz Yisrael etc.

But, as I view things today, I am convinced that in this upside down world in which we live, even this activity is distorted. It is not for us to convince Jews of the truth in our heritage, quite the opposite, the onus of proof is upon the "break away" to justify his rejection of 3500 years of Halachic Judaism and the 175 generations of unbroken conviction that HaShem revealed Himself at Mount Sinai and there He gave us His Torah. It is not I who has to prove that God created the world, it is the break away who has to explain the origin of all existence.

The break away is the one who has to prove that the ham sandwich and the marriage to a gentile is true, whereas Avraham, Moshe, King David, the Bet Hamikdash are fiction. That the teachings of his professor of philosophy 101 can stand over the TaNach, Mishna, Gemara, Shulchan Aruch, tens of thousands of talmidei chachamim who have dedicated their lives to the study of Torah, and the many millions of Jews who have stood steadfastly in their beliefs.

The same applies to my efforts in convincing Jews in the galut that the time has come to return home. The truth is that we do not have to convince them. It is they who have to justify their remaining in the galut, when the hand of HaShem is shown daily here in Eretz Yisrael and the dangers in galut loom ever greater with each passing day.

Our generation has added another "son" to the Hagada - the blind and deaf one - blind to the miracles in the Holy Land and deaf to the dangers to his Judaism, and very life, in the galut.

So this year, set a place at the seder table for the fifth son - the spiritually blind and deaf mute of the 2000 year old galut - whose status is inferior to even that of the aiyno yoday’a lish’ol (he who does not know how to ask).

Monday, April 14, 2008

Register for Likud and Not Vote Likud?


The last question asked at the end of Moshe Feiglin's last US lecture was different than all the other questions. The questioner was obviously well versed in Israeli politics:

"They say that you convince people to register for the Likud," he said to Moshe, "but that when voting day comes, your people do not vote Likud. How can you explain that?"

Moshe Feiglin's answer comes in two parts; to Israelis and to Americans.

Answer to Israelis:

We encourage all of our people to vote for the Likud. Interestingly, our loudest detractors are the very same people who registered entire communities that have nothing at all in common with the National Camp (usually Arabs). In addition, they illegally paid the registration fees for the new members and sometimes even paid them to come to vote. In other words, there is no reason to relate to the crocodile tears of those people who, with their tricks, have artificially coerced the ruling party of the National Camp into implementing the policies of the most radical Left. How can they complain about Manhigut Yehudit, which has registered the very core of the National Camp and continuously encourages the Likud to return to its traditional, nationalist ideology?

The ethical finger pointed against those who registered for the Likud but did not vote Likud leaves a lot lacking. Every business deal has two sides. When the Likud voters saw that the Likud encourages policies opposed to its written constitution, when they saw how every effort was made in the Likud to prevent Moshe Feiglin from attaining his rightful place on the Knesset list they felt that the Likud had turned its back on them and did not see any reason to continue to vote for the party.

We think that those people who did not vote Likud made a mistake. There is no democracy in Israel. That's why there are no politics in Israel. When you vote Left you get Left. And when you vote Right you get double Left. So how one votes is insignificant. The only factor with true potential to change this dictatorial situation is Moshe Feiglin's movement to create authentic Jewish leadership for Israel. In effect, Manhigut Yehudit is working to return the State of Israel to the large Jewish majority finally lending true meaning to Israel's "democracy." Since the Likud is the tool that brings about this vital process, we must vote for it and do all that we can to strengthen it regardless of the policies that it implements policies over which the "democracy" in Israel has no control.

It makes no difference how much we are attacked by various factors from within the Likud. We owe the Likud a lot. Without it, the faith based alternative would not have gotten past a few newspaper articles with no tools with which to turn them into reality. Today, after we have received one quarter of the votes of the ruling party of the National Camp, we are in a totally different place thanks to the Likud.

Answer to Americans:

The above answers do not really get to the root of the matter. Is it wrong to be a registered member of one party and to vote for another?

This question seems a bit strange. After all, one of the principles of democracy is to vote one's conscience - discreetly. There is a reason why voting takes place behind a curtain and inside sealed envelopes. The very question, "Who did you vote for?" is actually illegitimate. It would have been easy to restrict registered members of political parties from voting, and to automatically add their votes to their respective party's tally or to open separate polling places for them, where their votes are open for all to see. Clearly, though, these ideas are not democratic. So why the complaints against Manhigut Yehudit's registered members?

"What are you? A Democrat or a Republican?" Moshe answered the questioner.

"A Republican," he answered.

"And will you be voting for McCain?"

"Of course."

The audience seemed to identify with his answers.

"Now please tell me," Moshe continued to question him, "What would you do if McCain would be running on a Democratic ticket and Obama on a Republican ticket? Who would you vote for?"

"For McCain," he answered without missing a beat.

"How about the rest of you?" Moshe turned to the audience, which nodded in approval.

"Is that ethical? Is it democratic to put the interests of the nation above the interests of the party?

The audience seemed to think that the question was superfluous.

"So if that principle is so clear, why do you think that in Israel loyalty to the party takes precedence over loyalty to the nation?" Moshe brought the point home to the sounds of loud applause.

The truth is the very fact that this issue is a question in Israel is due to its 100 year old socialist mentality a mentality that blurs the borders between party and state.

Can this simple yet fundamental explanation be understood in Israel? Can it be explained in Israel that the Republican president Ronald Reagan, for example, was elected with the votes of the democrats, which is absolutely fine in America's true democracy? Can we explain in Israel that in some states in the US, members of all the parties can participate in the primaries? Can we answer the Israeli media with the same, simple answer that Moshe gave the American questioner?

Unfortunately, the answer to that question is "no." The State of Israel is still chained to its slave mentality. The principles of liberty and democracy are way off its screen. Unfortunately, the truth that convinced the American audience is still irrelevant in Israel.

Manhigut Yehudit needs your help now more than ever. You can also help create the Jewish majority revolution. Now is the time to support Manhigut Yehudit. Click here for our on line secure donation form. If you are in Israel, now is the time to volunteer to help. For more information, call (Israel) 02-996-1123.

A Hug for a Betrayed Brother


By Moshe Feiglin


My lecture tour of America was very successful. But the best surprise awaited me back in Israel. As soon as I turned on my cell phone, I discovered that I would not yet be driving home to rest after two weeks of lectures and flights. Instead, I would be driving straight to Israel's Channel 2 television studio for an urgent interview on my visit to Jonathon Pollard. This was not my first visit to our brother, Jonathon Pollard. But this was the first time that my visit to him aroused media interest. The channel 2 interview was followed by more interviews. Official Israel's betrayal of Pollard continues. But it seems that the people of Israel are beginning to wake up.

The following article by Moshe Feiglin appeared in Hebrew this week in Makor Rishon and the Ynet website.

Nissan, 5768
April, 08

He almost never talks about himself. Throughout our conversation, he speaks about Israel, about the Jewish People, about me. But not about himself.

We hug. "You're banned from England, eh?" he chuckles, before we even have a chance to sit down. These were the first words out of his mouth when we met last Tuesday. It never ceases to amaze me how this man, betrayed by us and buried alive in prison 24 years ago, is always so up to date on everything. How clear he is and sharp as a razor.

In the hours leading up to the meeting, I feel distressed. A kind of uncomfortable collective guilt enfolds me before meeting with the betrayed captive. He probably senses it and tries to dispel the dark feelings with his smile.

Jonathan Pollard begins with a detailed analysis of what is going on in Israel. Of the 2 hours that have been allotted to us, Jonathan uses 90% of the time to discuss the problems we are facing as a nation. He keeps to a minimum any talk about himself, and that is why the few personal words which he does volunteer have such a tremendous impact.

When names like Yisrael Maimon (the former Cabinet Secretary who was previously responsible for the Pollard file) come up, it is hard for him to control his feelings, but he does. The names of other Israeli officials, like Ehud Barak who was the head of Israel's Military Intelligence back then, come up in the course of the conversation from time to time and produce a similar response. "They betrayed me 24 years ago, and they are still stabbing me in the back in prison now," he says.

The reaction to the Israel State Comptroller's decision to investigate the continuing failure of the government and its abandonment of an agent was to be expected. Too many top officials were involved in the espionage and they want to keep Pollard buried along with the operation. It is not just the Minister of Defense Ehud Barak. It is not just Minister Rafi Eitan, and not just the Supreme Court Justice Eliyakim Rubinstein, who was the Special Envoy at the Washington Embassy and who bears direct responsibility for throwing Jonathan out, into the arms of the FBI agents waiting outside of the gates. Not just because of Israel's refusal to make an official request for Jonathan's release, while at the same time peddling lies to the Israeli public claiming that "exhaustive efforts for his release are continuously implemented behind the scenes." 112 Members of Knesset signed a petition for Jonathan's release, but Prime Ministers Sharon and Olmert prefer to forget' to relay it to the President of the United States.

It was also to be expected that the State Comptroller's investigation of the case would generate a move to blacken his name. "This populist investigation is sabotaging efforts to secure the release of Pollard," allege unnamed "security" officials, close to the Prime Minister's office.

Simultaneous with the attack on the State Comptroller comes a co-coordinated attack on Jonathan himself. If we can trash Jonathan and his wife Esther and falsely portray them to the public as mercenaries lusting after luxury apartments and money, then public concern for their plight will evaporate. So we get a pack of lies published in Yediot Achronot [under the respectable' byline of Nachum Barnea, a.k.a winner of the Israel Prize for Journalism.]

Esther Pollard doesn't live in a luxury apartment. For years, Esther rented a tiny room in a cheap motel close to the prison, to be near her husband. It was the best she could do. When she realized that the reason that her husband continues to languish in prison is situated in Israel and not in America, Esther relocated her place of residence to Israel. Not to a luxury apartment in Jerusalem either --- but to a small room in the apartment of a kindly Jerusalem widow who opened her home and her heart to the Pollards.

"If you come anywhere close to winning the primaries," Pollard switches the subject to talk about me, "they will simply murder you. Two weeks before he was assassinated, Ghandi (Rechavam Zeevi z"l) came to visit me. I tried to warn him. I told him what I feared was going to happen, but he just brushed aside my warnings. They did it to one of their own; do you think that they would have any trouble doing it to you?" This is not the first time that people have cautioned me about this possibility, but when the warning is coming from the mouth of Jonathan Pollard, the words take on greater meaning.

"How is Israel able to succeed in having the Americans keep you in prison?" I ask Jonathan, "Even the head of the CIA has been saying for some time that it is time to let you go."

"They have never given the Americans the slightest reason to officially begin the process," Pollard replies. In matters like this, there are no free gifts. As opposed to what Israel is telling its own citizens, it has been made clear to the Americans through every channel, that Israel has no interest whatsoever in the man who saved the State by providing vital intelligence to ensure its survival.

All it would take is a sign from Israel to bring about Pollard's speedy release. Israel has numerous ways to secure the immediate release of Jonathan Pollard, but prefers instead to seek his death in prison.

Only towards the end of the visit does Jonathan share what he keeps locked in his heart. He describes the hostile, violent and noisy atmosphere he lives in. He says that he spends most of his time alone in his cell with earplugs in his ears. He speaks of his deteriorating health and how he is no longer able to climb up into his top level bunk bed; he is now forced to carry a medical permit allowing him a bottom bunk. He speaks of his legal situation. "Legally speaking, my life sentence condemns me to spend 45years in prison. I am supposed to leave prison at age 75. They will never let that happen," he says with disgust.

"At a certain moment in time," I tell him, trying to encourage him, "these gates are just going to suddenly open, and you are going to walk out, a free man. That moment is closer than you think."

Jonathan Pollard is a mirror that reminds us of who we are; a mirror that Israel is trying to shatter.

When the Pollard case first broke, I was a young officer. Even back then it troubled me that Jonathan (the Jew) was thrown out of the Embassy, while his handler, IAF officer Aviam Sella (the Israeli), was given asylum and defended by Israel. Despite American pressure to hand him over, Israel stood firm for Sella. It looks like Israel is not a State of the Jews, I remember thinking at the time, but a State of Israelis.

Pollard is the Jew who saved the Israelis from American treachery. He did not save us because we are Israelis. He saved us because we are his Jewish brothers. The Pollard case imposes a Jewish identity upon Israel. Israel's current leadership prefers to keep its Jewish identity safely stored under lock and key, in a jail cell in Butner, North Carolina.

Feiglin, Sackett Take America by Storm


Two clearly new phenomena were distinctly noticeable during Moshe Feiglin and Shmuel Sackett's recent lecture tour of the US and Canada. For one, significantly more people attended the lectures. Hundreds packed the lecture halls. This phenomenon was apparent from the very start of the trip. Despite the difficult economic situation in the US and the prevailing gloom that the conventional right-wing messages do not dispel, almost 500 guests crowded the Manhigut Yehudit dinner hall in New York almost 30% more people than last year.

In Chicago, it was standing room only for almost half the crowd. In Washington, no more seating was available. At Moshe's lecture in Toronto, about one hundred people waited for Moshe to autograph their new copies of his latest book, "The War of Dreams." After the first three lectures, Moshe and Shmuel were no longer surprised by the large crowds. It was clear that Manhigut Yehudit awareness was on the rise.

The second new phenomenon was the stir that Moshe's visit caused in the American Moslem community. This phenomenon was expressed by the number of threats that Moshe's speaking venues received prior to his lectures. At the University of Pennsylvania, both regular and undercover police were deployed to protect the campus hall. In Toronto, 17 security personnel guarded the synagogue at which Moshe spoke. There is no doubt about it; since the British ban on Moshe, Manhigut Yehudit is definitely on the map.

What is the source of these phenomena? Is it simply the hard work of our Israel and US staff in getting Moshe's articles and updates out to the world? Or is it a deeper process that we will soon be feeling in Israel, as well? If we connect the positive reaction to Moshe in America with the widespread support that he received in Israel after the British ban, we have reason to be optimistic!

Support Manhigut Yehudit Today

Now is the time!
Your donation
can turn the State of the Jews
into the Jewish State.

Joining Manhigut Yehudit is much more than just a donation.

Now you're part of the team!
You don't need to be living in Israel

Sunday, April 06, 2008

Manhigut in North America and at the Movies


As his US/Canada speaking tour draws to an end, Moshe Feiglin reports significant progress on all fronts. In the face of disappointment and despair from Israel's current leadership, more and more Jews are connecting to the hope that Manhigut Yehudit projects. Lectures in places that used to draw tens of people drew hundreds this time. The audiences were warm and receptive - repeatedly interrupting Moshe's speeches with enthusiastic applause and even standing ovations.

For Moshe Feiglin and Shmuel Sackett, the most moving part of the trip was their annual visit to Jonathon Pollard. Moshe and Shmuel reported that as usual, Jonathon was completely and painfully aware of events in Israel and offered some keen insights into the political situation. Manhigut Yehudit continues to act and pray on his behalf!

Several Moslem newspapers in the US and Canada took note of Moshe's speaking tour and wrote about the visiting Israeli leader who endangers the Arab struggle against Israel. Tens of police were called out to secure Moshe's lectures. At the University of Pennsylvania, a plain clothes detective (easily discernable by his long raincoat - just like in the movies!) approached Moshe after his speech and said, "I am not Jewish, but what you just said is extremely logical."

Don't miss this new movie about Moshe Feiglin's Likud campaign, which premiered at last week's Manhigut Yehudit annual dinner. Hats off to our in-house photographer, Tehilla Bramson, for her terrific filming and editing.

Moshe Feiglin, Shmuel Sackett and the Manhigut Yehudit message have broken through the cynicism barrier and have brought hope to thousands. Now is the time to do your part!

Manhigut Yehudit needs your help now more than ever. You can also help create the Jewish majority revolution. Now is the time to support Manhigut Yehudit. Click here for our on line secure donation form. If you are in Israel, now is the time to volunteer to help. For more information, call (Israel) 02-996-1123.

Manhigut Yehudit in the News


Pay Gazans to Leave, Right-Wing MK Says
By SHERI SHEFA, Staff Reporter
The Canadian Jewish News
Thursday, 03 April 2008

TORONTO - Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert wants citizens of Sderot and Ashkelon to get used to constant rocket barrages from Gaza, but the problem could be solved by paying Palestinians to leave the territory, a prominent right-wing MK said in Toronto last week.

"Every year Israel spends 10 per cent of their national income on the concept of [the Oslo accords]-on building fences, on destroying Jewish villages, on putting guards at each coffee shop or store. It's crazy," Moshe Feiglin, right, leader of the Manhigut Yehudit (Jewish Leadership) faction of Israel's Likud Party, told some 200 people at Shaarei Tefillah Synagogue, after a March 27 speech sponsored by the Jewish Defense League of Canada.

"We're talking about more than 60,000 people on the payroll. We're talking about $150 billion that Israel spends every 10 years," the former Likud leadership candidate said, noting that a survey done recently at a Palestinian university found that most of the students want to leave Gaza.

"That money is enough to give every Arab family in Yesha [Gaza] $250,000. They want to leave, we have the money. We're spending it anyhow. We have the money to help them, encourage them to have a future somewhere else."

According to Ynetnews, Olmert recently told board members of the Barzilai Medical Center in Ashkelon that living with rocket attacks has been Israel's reality for the past 60 years, and that he has "no way of preventing these things from recurring."

"Basically, he said, 'Get used to it. I have no solutions. Get used to it,'" said Feiglin, who co-founded the group Zo Artzeinu (This is our Land) to protest the Oslo accords in 1993.

"That means that 63 years after the gates of Auschwitz opened, they are supposed to get used to the fact that every once in a while, a Jew is going to get killed because he is a Jew. He has an army, a president, the most modern, strong army in the Middle East, Parliament - why did we do all that? Why did we even establish the State of Israel to begin with? Because we agreed that we would not get used to that."

Feiglin admitted that his Gaza solution would likely not come to pass, and he ventured another approach that he said could improve security in Israel.

He said the best way to remedy the problem in Gaza is to consider the case of the Golan Heights.

"The border of the Golan Heights between Israel and Syria is the quietest border and the safest and most peaceful border," Feiglin said.

He argued that Israel achieved peace on the Syrian border by following five rules: the Syrian Arabs who lived there were evacuated and "encouraged to leave." As well, the land was occupied, it was annexed, Jewish settlements were established, and Israel and Syria never signed a peace treaty.

"And look what we have: a great peace in the Golan."

Feiglin said the biggest obstacles Israel must overcome are within its own borders, adding that from the moment the late Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin shook hands with the late Palestinian Authority president Yassir Arafat, Israel started playing a completely different game, one that gave the advantage to the Arabs.

"Let's assume someone comes to your house and tells you, 'Your house is mine.' And you shake his hand and you tell him, 'You know what, let's compromise. What will people think? Who will they think the house really belongs to?" Feiglin asked.

He said most homeowners would do whatever it takes to kick that person out of their house.

"You would do everything you can so people would understand that you don't accept this claim. The minute you shake his hand, you lost the match," Feiglin said.

He said when Israel pulled out of Gaza in 2005, media from around the world flocked to witness the event.

"There was no one in the world who did not see what the Jews were doing to themselves. The Jews showed the entire world that the land of Israel does not belong to them, but that it belongs to the Arabs. And from now on, we are the bad guys and the good guys are the Arabs."

He said part of the overall solution to Israel's problems is to seek leadership that works in the name of God.

"Israel needs leadership that leads the State of Israel [based] upon Jewish values, leadership that knows where he comes from, knows where he is going."

In last August's primaries, Feiglin who ran for the Likud party leadership with the tagline, "Feiglin, because he has a God," received about 24 per cent of the votes against Likud party leader Benjamin Netanyahu's 73 per cent.

Feiglin said that a few years ago, no one would have believed that he would garner a quarter of the votes against Netanyahu.

"But I'm telling you that, with G-d's help, next primary, I'm going to win."

The Golan Heights Peace Plan

By Moshe Feiglin


Adar II, 5768
April, '08

Translated from Moshe Feiglin's article on the NRG website.

Is there a solution for the military crisis plaguing Israel's south? Can Israel successfully deal with the Kassam rockets? Or is Olmert right when he tells us that we just have to get used to it?

You don't need to be a military expert to come up with a plan to solve the Gaza problem. Israel already has a successful model that works perfectly - at least since the Yom Kippur War. It is the real peace model that has been implemented for years in the Golan Heights.

Have you ever asked yourself where the safest place in Israel is? Where do you not have to worry about Arabs throwing rocks at your car? Where can you walk around at night without fear of arms or drugs smugglers crossing the border? Where don't missiles fly and where don't bombs explode? In short, where is the place that you are safest from both external enemies and from internal Arab terror and crime?

That place is the Golan Heights. Without even trying, possibly even by mistake, Israel enjoys real peace there. Any new peace plan must follow the principles that have brought us true peace in the Golan. There are just five easy steps:

  1. Encourage Arab emigration
  2. Conquest
  3. Israeli sovereignty
  4. Settlement
  5. No peace accords!

Sixty thousand Syrian Arabs who had been scattered throughout villages in the Golan Heights disappeared even before the Golan was liberated. The only ones who stayed were the Druze in the north of the Golan. These villages are the exception that proves the necessity of implementing the first principle.

The second principle, conquest, was fully implemented by Israel in the Golan. No foreign forces remained there. The area is entirely controlled by Israel.

Israel declared sovereignty over the entire Golan, settled it and most important of all - never signed a peace treaty with Syria. This is how we have prevented the war under the guise of peace that we suffer on our border with Egypt from repeating itself on our border with Syria.

These five steps will bring peace and security to Gaza, Judea and Samaria.

How do we encourage the Arabs in these places to emigrate without the necessity of a major war? University Al-Najach in Shechem answered that question with the results of a poll that it had taken. It turns out that over 60% of the Arabs in Yesha do not need any encouragement to leave. They are disgusted with the rule of the armed thugs that the Oslo Peace Club forced upon them. Their preferred destinations are the Gulf States and Canada.

Many Western states currently suffer from negative demographics - less than two children per family. They are anxious to absorb skilled immigrants such as the Arabs of Yesha who have learned quite a lot from Israel over the past sixty years. The huge current of Moslem immigrants that has engulfed the Western world in the past decades points to the fact that this solution is entirely possible. Israel must make available to the Arabs all the resources necessary to encourage this trend.

Approximately 10% of Israel's entire budget is wasted annually on impossible solutions based on the Oslo eagerness to partition the Land of Israel. This sum constantly grows as mega-costly solutions like the Separation Fence are proven absurd. They are then exchanged for even more grandiose defensive schemes - cutting edge space technology to protect Israel's citizens from flying pipes. The colossal sums of money spent on these unrealistic programs could be spent more effectively. Instead of paying for more white elephants, Israel can give $250,000 to every Arab family that will stake its future far from Israel's borders.

Israel can implement a political plan based on the Golan Heights model. It depends on nothing more than our mentality. All that we have to understand is that this is our land - not theirs. The question is if Israel really wants peace or if the "Peace Process" is just a euphemism for getting rid of the settlements that force Jewish identity on Israel's tiny "elite".

As simple and effective as this plan may be, it will most likely not be adopted. Instead, Israel's current leaders will stubbornly continue down the Oslo path of blood and terror. The sensible, Jewish solutions will all be pushed to the sidelines because the minority ruling our country today is simply not interested.