by Rabbi Steven Pruzansky
No one should find fault with the activism of the hostage families. It is a classic application of “al tadin et chavercha ad she’tagi’a limkomo,” do not judge your friend until you can stand in his place (Avot 2:4). The initial horror of the brutal, inhuman Hamas invasion, compounded by ongoing horror of the captivity itself, the uncertainty, the fear, and the ill-treatment, breaks our hearts and strengthens our will to crush this vile enemy. Certainly, not all hostage families have reacted the same way and the response, as should be expected, is not uniform. Those who have prioritized the national interest over their personal pain also have our respect and admiration. But we cannot judge any of them, pray that we should never find ourselves in that situation, and empathize with their need to protest, demonstrate, and keep the fate of their loved ones and our citizens in the public eye. They should feel they are doing everything within their power to do. Their trauma is our trauma, and it is right and proper that visitors to Israel are greeted in the airport with pictures of the hostages, as are pedestrians who walk our streets.
The question then is not one of right or propriety – but of effectiveness. Do the campaigns or disruptions help or hurt? Hasten the release of the hostages or delay it? Do they have any influence on their captors at all? Clearly, our evil enemy Hamas – and all those who seek our destruction – utilizes kidnapping and other ruthless tactics as psychological torture, knowing how we value life and want nothing more than to be able to live meaningful, purposeful, and happy lives. Do we unwittingly embolden Hamas in their sadistic cruelty when we exhibit the desperation implicit in the calls for a hostage release “at any price”? Do the rallies and demands make their release less likely and future hostage-taking more likely?
If a tactic works, it is bound to be repeated until it ceases to work. Employing methods that are counterproductive hurts the cause and endangers our future, especially in this part of the world where the norms of civilization are perceived by our enemies as weakness. Hamas knows how to weaponize against us our decency and love of life. It is misguided to think that somehow and for some reason our government is unconcerned with the fate of the hostages and not doing all it can to secure their freedom. In that regard, there is nothing more unhelpful than strident calls for their release “NOW” or “at any price.” That is a cost we will all bear.
The plea “bring them home NOW” has the faint echo of similar appeals in the recent past for some admirable goal that proponents would like to achieve, NOW. “Peace Now” stands out as a particularly egregious example of throwing caution to the wind and imperiling our homeland and security because of a lack of prudence or patience. One can attribute to “Peace Now,” among other execrable results, the fact that Israel has no sovereignty over the Sinai Peninsula, which ultimately allowed that territory to become the conduit for the smuggling of heavy weapons into Gaza overland and through tunnels. Its ideological successors compelled Israel’s hasty withdrawal from southern Lebanon in 2000, from which we are now, again, suffering from the predations of Hezbollah. Even the foolhardy and self-destructive surrender of Gush Katif resulted from the misplaced desire for results, even peace, now. We should always be wary of demands for something drastic that advocates want now without considering the long-term consequences of the price paid. (Indeed, Peace Now still persists in pursuing the two-state illusion.)
The heart forces us to stand with our aggrieved families. The head tells us that the address for their valid complaints is not so much our government but Hamas, the international community, and all those who are more concerned about the fate of Gazan civilians than the fate of our hostages. Certainly, we should reject calls to provide humanitarian aid to the enemy civilians as long as our civilians are illegally incarcerated under dreadful conditions or as long as rockets keep being fired at our people. We should not normalize the seizure of hostages as part of war even if this ploy has been used repeatedly in Arab wars across the region. The truth is that our hostages are more innocent than their civilians and it is high time we broadcast that truth unflinchingly.
Even worse than the NOW ultimatum is the demand for their release “at any price,” recently bellowed by a former Speaker of the Knesset. This is rank populism of the worst kind, and inherently unserious. Any price? Would he be willing to trade himself for the hostages? That’s a price. Would he acquiesce to transferring the Kotel to Hamas, to permanently flying the Hamas flag over the Knesset, to the disestablishment of the State of Israel, in exchange for freedom for the hostages? Those are also prices. It is not only insincere; it is also profoundly foolish. A negotiator that offers to pay “any price” for his cherished objective only drives up that price, more and more and more, until the negotiator realizes the inanity of the offer or pays a self-destructive price.
And no price has been proven more destructive to Jewish life in the land of Israel than the exchange of murderous terrorists for innocent Jews. That too is a price we are paying today, heavily and bitterly, for the folly of the past. The release of the accursed Sinwar, among more than a thousand other terrorists, in the Shalit deal should cause any sane nation to re-think that approach to hostage negotiations. These deals literally prompt more hostage-taking and the loss of more Jewish life. Defeating Hamas is incompatible with releasing Hamas terrorists back into society. It only strengthens Hamas, reinforces that crimes against Jews pay, and encourages the next round.
As we have seen, there is no simple and convenient to defeat Hamas and simultaneously liberate the hostages. Our government can be criticized for many things, but I do not believe that we can fault its current efforts to secure the release of the hostages. We are dealing with a diabolical enemy. What we should do, at least, is make the lives of Gazans as miserable as are the lives of our hostages. It is not enough that they – finally – protest against Hamas, if those protests are even sincere and not orchestrated by Hamas. I will be more convinced of their sincerity when they run en masse into the tunnels and bring out our hostages with them. Many of them surely know where Hamas is holding the hostages. The provision of aid to Gaza might be the biggest mistake since the war started; it should stop, now, and afflicted Gazans should storm Hamas strongholds and free the hostages.
If there is a price that we can and should pay in these perilous times, it is this it is a more pleasant and enriching one: call it the nuclear spiritual option. The Talmud (Shabbat 118b) states that Rabbi Yocḥanan said in the name of Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai: “If only the Jewish people would keep two Shabbatot in accordance with their halachot, they would be immediately redeemed.”
What a beautiful and ennobling price! Two Shabbatot, because while one is a special experience, two is a commitment. Imagine if every Jew in Israel committed to observing two Shabbot according to halacha. Yes, it would be revolutionary – no television or radio, no theaters and no beaches, no pubs or nightclubs, no telephones, no texting, no shopping, no cars, and no buses. Rather, two Shabbatot that begin with candle lighting at home, and include public prayer and Torah study, kiddush, meals with our families and friends, our children and grandchildren, discussing life, and values, and meaning, and G-d, and redemption, and holiness, and the uniqueness of the Jewish people. We could reflect on our history, on the gifts that G-d bestowed upon us, and the challenges that we have in every generation. We could understand our place in history, why our enemies persist in their hatred, and how we can overcome them as we always have. We can discuss what G-d wants from us, having restored us to His land after a long exile, as He promised.
If we can do it – and we can, and we should – than we are taught that we would “immediately be redeemed,” with everything that entails for our current predicament.” If only we put that declaration, which has tantalized Jews for almost two millennia, to the test! Two Shabbatot, fully observed by every Jew in Israel, the only exceptions being the security apparatus and other essential services (like medical) who also observe Shabbat but in a different way. What a unifying and uplifting experience that would be – and it requires the participation of every Jew.
Does “any price” include something that might actually work and that will transform our society for the better? Or does it only involve concessions that make us less safe? Or are we content to only engage in empty gestures?
The times are serious. Let the organizers get to work. We should try it – and I dare say, we should try it NOW.
By Madeleine Hubbard
With the International Court of Justice having ruled Friday on South Africa's accusations that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza, the case is bringing to light questions regarding Pretoria's relations with Hamas and Iran, as well as the country's serious financial troubles and corruption allegations.
The entire country of South Africa struggles with financial difficulties, with an estimated poverty rate of 62.6% in 2022, according to the World Bank. Additionally, due to a lack of maintenance on coal-fired power plants, residents were left without power for up to 10 hours a day in the first few months of 2023, according to the U.S. State Department. Rolling blackouts decreased to six hours a day by April, per The Associated Press, but some U.S. analysts have predicted that South Africa is still at risk of suffering an energy grid collapse and service failure, including water treatment.
On Friday, the United Nations’ top court decided to allow the genocide case brought by South Africa to proceed against Israel for its military actions in Gaza. The decision in the Hague was made by 17 judges of the International Court of Justice, who also demanded Israel try to contain death and damage in the offensive but did not call for a cease-fire.
South Africa's ruling party, the African National Congress, has been plagued by threats of bankruptcy and allegations of corruption for years. Most recently, the party has turned to crowdfunding in an attempt to stabilize its finances.
Nelson Mandela's ANC is set to face its most competitive election since apartheid ended in 1994. Surveys suggest that the ANC may, for the first time ever, receive less than 50% of the national vote in April's elections, according to the Africa Center for Strategic Studies.
South Africa's constitution prohibits "unrehabilitated insolvents," or people who are bankrupt from running for office, but it is mum on whether a bankrupt party can run candidates. However, that does not appear to be an issue at this time, as the ANC said earlier this month that it was able to stabilize its finances, according to The Sunday Times. It did not give specifics as to how this was accomplished.
The same week that the ANC got its finances in a better state, South Africa brought the genocide case against Israel in the International Court of Justice, according to South Africa's Daily Maverick news outlet.
High-profile South African activists such as former Institute of Race Relations CEO Frans Cronje and Accountability Now Director Paul Hoffman both said earlier this month that reports are emerging that Iran fixed the ANC's finance problem.
"The South African government is the same thing as Hamas. It's an Iranian proxy, and its role in the war is to fight the ideological and ideas war to stigmatize Jews around the world," Cronje during an interview on Chai FM Radio.
Former Trump deputy national security adviser Victoria Coates told the "Just the News, No Noise" TV show this week that "one has to at least wonder" whether Iran is funding the ANC. "This sort of unholy alliance is emerging in a deeply, deeply dangerous way."
Iran's benefits of a close relationship with South Africa include the ability of the African nation to provide Tehran with nuclear support, as the Islamic Republic has been attempting to build a nuclear weapon. Additionally, the Iran-backed Houthis have been attempting to shut down shipping in the Red Sea. The alternative shipping route in the region is South Africa's Cape of Good Hope, so if Iran were to put pressure to shut it down as well, it would be catastrophic for the global economy, Coates also said.
Although South Africa's News24 reported that the Iran funding allegations "don't hold up" because there is "no substantive proof" for it, the outlet is owned by the holding company Naspers Limited, which donated at least 3 million rand, or more than $158,000, to the ANC in 2022 and 2021, according to political finance records.
While ANC spokesperson Mahlengi Bhengu told the Maverick that her party "does declare where its funding is derived" and the idea of receiving funding from Iran is "preposterous," it is impossible to fully refute the allegations without accessing the party's balance sheets, which Just the News has no way of doing.
Regardless, Iran has been bolstering South Africa's economy for years.
Iranian Chamber of Commerce official Mohammadreza Karbasi said in 2019 that Iran's Foreign Direct Investment in South Africa was more than $135 billion in South Africa in 2018. Shortly before Karbasi's announcement, South African Ambassador to Iran Vika Mazwi Khumalo said his nation is ready to exchange tourists with Iran, per the Mehr News Agency, an outlet affiliated with the Iranian government's Islamic Ideology Dissemination Organization.
More recently, Iran and South Africa signed a joint economic cooperation agreement in August, two months before the Oct. 7 attack on Israel, when terrorists, led by the Iran-funded Hamas, killed about 1,200 people in Israel and kidnapped 250 others. The same month as the agreement, Tehran reached a deal with Pretoria to develop five oil refineries in South Africa, according to China state-run outlet Xinhua.
As South Africa cozied up to Iran, whose government for years has sought the destruction of what it has called the "Zionist regime," South Africa's tense relations with Israel dramatically worsened after the Oct. 7 attack.
One day after Oct. 7, South Africa blamed Israel, saying: "The new conflagration has arisen from the continued illegal occupation of Palestine land, continued settlement expansion, desecration of the Al Aqsa mosque and Christian holy sites, and ongoing oppression of the Palestinian people."
Just 10 days after Hamas' brutal Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel, South African Foreign Minister Naledi Pandor spoke on the phone with the leader of Hamas, which is a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization backed by Iran.
During the Oct. 17 call with Hamas Leader Ismail Haniyeh, Pandor "reiterated South Africa’s solidarity and support for the people of Palestine and expressed sadness and regret for the loss of innocent lives both Palestinians and Israelis" and "discussed how to get the necessary Humanitarian Aid to Gaza and other parts of the Palestinian Territories," according to a summary of the conversation published by the South African government.
The following week, Pandor spent a day in Iran. In Tehran, Pandor met with Iranian President Ayatollah Seyyed Ebrahim Raisi "to convey a message" from South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, according to the South African government. The exact contents of that message were not disclosed.
South Africa cut ties with Israel in November over the war, and earlier this month, it presented its case before the United Nations International Court of Justice, accusing Israel of committing genocide in Gaza.
If Iran did donate money to the ANC, it would not be the first time the party has received contributions from controversial actors.
The ANC received about $1.6 million in monetary and in-kind donations from 2021 through 2022 from a mining company linked to U.S.-sanctioned Russian oligarch Viktor Vekselberg. The money came from United Manganese of Kalahari Ltd, of which Vekselberg owns a significant stake in, per Cyprus business records cited by CNN. Although the U.S. Treasury has sanctioned Vekselberg multiple times, United Manganese has been able to avoid sanctions because he has less than a 50% stake in the company.
One of the other shareholders in United Manganese is Chancellor House, which admitted in 2021 to serving as a funding vehicle for the ANC. The Chancellor House Trust gave more than $1.4 million to the ANC from 2021 through 2023, records show.
Beyond interactions with Iran, the heightened tensions between South Africa and Israel began long before Oct. 7, however.
Israel was one of the earliest countries to criticize South Africa's apartheid system starting in the 1950s. Following the Yom Kippur War, Israel developed what journalist Thomas Friedman called a "realpolitik" attitude towards South Africa in the 1970s, and the two nations deepened ties at a time when most African nations severed relations with Israel over the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries' oil embargo. Israel eventually issued sanctions against South Africa in 1987 in response to its apartheid policies.
However, the countries' relationship greatly changed in the post-apartheid era, when Nelson Mandela was elected president under the African National Congress political party.
Mandela had close ties with Palestinian leaders, including Yasser Arafat, who met the South African leader with literal hugs and kisses days after he was released from prison in 1990.
Coates said Mandela "was good friends with Yasser Arafat, and created this kind of affinity with the Palestinians for South Africa."
The Embassy of South Africa in the U.S. did not respond to Just the News' request for comment, nor did the Johannesburg-based think tank the South African Institute of International Affairs or the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
With the International Court of Justice having ruled Friday on South Africa's accusations that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza, the case is bringing to light questions regarding Pretoria's relations with Hamas and Iran, as well as the country's serious financial troubles and corruption allegations.
The entire country of South Africa struggles with financial difficulties, with an estimated poverty rate of 62.6% in 2022, according to the World Bank. Additionally, due to a lack of maintenance on coal-fired power plants, residents were left without power for up to 10 hours a day in the first few months of 2023, according to the U.S. State Department. Rolling blackouts decreased to six hours a day by April, per The Associated Press, but some U.S. analysts have predicted that South Africa is still at risk of suffering an energy grid collapse and service failure, including water treatment.
On Friday, the United Nations’ top court decided to allow the genocide case brought by South Africa to proceed against Israel for its military actions in Gaza. The decision in the Hague was made by 17 judges of the International Court of Justice, who also demanded Israel try to contain death and damage in the offensive but did not call for a cease-fire.
South Africa's ruling party, the African National Congress, has been plagued by threats of bankruptcy and allegations of corruption for years. Most recently, the party has turned to crowdfunding in an attempt to stabilize its finances.
Nelson Mandela's ANC is set to face its most competitive election since apartheid ended in 1994. Surveys suggest that the ANC may, for the first time ever, receive less than 50% of the national vote in April's elections, according to the Africa Center for Strategic Studies.
South Africa's constitution prohibits "unrehabilitated insolvents," or people who are bankrupt from running for office, but it is mum on whether a bankrupt party can run candidates. However, that does not appear to be an issue at this time, as the ANC said earlier this month that it was able to stabilize its finances, according to The Sunday Times. It did not give specifics as to how this was accomplished.
The same week that the ANC got its finances in a better state, South Africa brought the genocide case against Israel in the International Court of Justice, according to South Africa's Daily Maverick news outlet.
High-profile South African activists such as former Institute of Race Relations CEO Frans Cronje and Accountability Now Director Paul Hoffman both said earlier this month that reports are emerging that Iran fixed the ANC's finance problem.
"The South African government is the same thing as Hamas. It's an Iranian proxy, and its role in the war is to fight the ideological and ideas war to stigmatize Jews around the world," Cronje during an interview on Chai FM Radio.
Former Trump deputy national security adviser Victoria Coates told the "Just the News, No Noise" TV show this week that "one has to at least wonder" whether Iran is funding the ANC. "This sort of unholy alliance is emerging in a deeply, deeply dangerous way."
Iran's benefits of a close relationship with South Africa include the ability of the African nation to provide Tehran with nuclear support, as the Islamic Republic has been attempting to build a nuclear weapon. Additionally, the Iran-backed Houthis have been attempting to shut down shipping in the Red Sea. The alternative shipping route in the region is South Africa's Cape of Good Hope, so if Iran were to put pressure to shut it down as well, it would be catastrophic for the global economy, Coates also said.
Although South Africa's News24 reported that the Iran funding allegations "don't hold up" because there is "no substantive proof" for it, the outlet is owned by the holding company Naspers Limited, which donated at least 3 million rand, or more than $158,000, to the ANC in 2022 and 2021, according to political finance records.
While ANC spokesperson Mahlengi Bhengu told the Maverick that her party "does declare where its funding is derived" and the idea of receiving funding from Iran is "preposterous," it is impossible to fully refute the allegations without accessing the party's balance sheets, which Just the News has no way of doing.
Regardless, Iran has been bolstering South Africa's economy for years.
Iranian Chamber of Commerce official Mohammadreza Karbasi said in 2019 that Iran's Foreign Direct Investment in South Africa was more than $135 billion in South Africa in 2018. Shortly before Karbasi's announcement, South African Ambassador to Iran Vika Mazwi Khumalo said his nation is ready to exchange tourists with Iran, per the Mehr News Agency, an outlet affiliated with the Iranian government's Islamic Ideology Dissemination Organization.
More recently, Iran and South Africa signed a joint economic cooperation agreement in August, two months before the Oct. 7 attack on Israel, when terrorists, led by the Iran-funded Hamas, killed about 1,200 people in Israel and kidnapped 250 others. The same month as the agreement, Tehran reached a deal with Pretoria to develop five oil refineries in South Africa, according to China state-run outlet Xinhua.
As South Africa cozied up to Iran, whose government for years has sought the destruction of what it has called the "Zionist regime," South Africa's tense relations with Israel dramatically worsened after the Oct. 7 attack.
One day after Oct. 7, South Africa blamed Israel, saying: "The new conflagration has arisen from the continued illegal occupation of Palestine land, continued settlement expansion, desecration of the Al Aqsa mosque and Christian holy sites, and ongoing oppression of the Palestinian people."
Just 10 days after Hamas' brutal Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel, South African Foreign Minister Naledi Pandor spoke on the phone with the leader of Hamas, which is a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization backed by Iran.
During the Oct. 17 call with Hamas Leader Ismail Haniyeh, Pandor "reiterated South Africa’s solidarity and support for the people of Palestine and expressed sadness and regret for the loss of innocent lives both Palestinians and Israelis" and "discussed how to get the necessary Humanitarian Aid to Gaza and other parts of the Palestinian Territories," according to a summary of the conversation published by the South African government.
The following week, Pandor spent a day in Iran. In Tehran, Pandor met with Iranian President Ayatollah Seyyed Ebrahim Raisi "to convey a message" from South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, according to the South African government. The exact contents of that message were not disclosed.
South Africa cut ties with Israel in November over the war, and earlier this month, it presented its case before the United Nations International Court of Justice, accusing Israel of committing genocide in Gaza.
If Iran did donate money to the ANC, it would not be the first time the party has received contributions from controversial actors.
The ANC received about $1.6 million in monetary and in-kind donations from 2021 through 2022 from a mining company linked to U.S.-sanctioned Russian oligarch Viktor Vekselberg. The money came from United Manganese of Kalahari Ltd, of which Vekselberg owns a significant stake in, per Cyprus business records cited by CNN. Although the U.S. Treasury has sanctioned Vekselberg multiple times, United Manganese has been able to avoid sanctions because he has less than a 50% stake in the company.
One of the other shareholders in United Manganese is Chancellor House, which admitted in 2021 to serving as a funding vehicle for the ANC. The Chancellor House Trust gave more than $1.4 million to the ANC from 2021 through 2023, records show.
Beyond interactions with Iran, the heightened tensions between South Africa and Israel began long before Oct. 7, however.
Israel was one of the earliest countries to criticize South Africa's apartheid system starting in the 1950s. Following the Yom Kippur War, Israel developed what journalist Thomas Friedman called a "realpolitik" attitude towards South Africa in the 1970s, and the two nations deepened ties at a time when most African nations severed relations with Israel over the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries' oil embargo. Israel eventually issued sanctions against South Africa in 1987 in response to its apartheid policies.
However, the countries' relationship greatly changed in the post-apartheid era, when Nelson Mandela was elected president under the African National Congress political party.
Mandela had close ties with Palestinian leaders, including Yasser Arafat, who met the South African leader with literal hugs and kisses days after he was released from prison in 1990.
Coates said Mandela "was good friends with Yasser Arafat, and created this kind of affinity with the Palestinians for South Africa."
The Embassy of South Africa in the U.S. did not respond to Just the News' request for comment, nor did the Johannesburg-based think tank the South African Institute of International Affairs or the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.