Monday, December 29, 2014

MK Moshe Feiglin After Firebomb Attack on Girl: Save Israel from Itself

On Friday, MK Moshe Feiglin visited  Avner Shapira, the father of the 11 year old girl, Ayalah, who is in serious condition in the hospital following a firebomb terror attack on their car  Thursday evening. Avner was also injured in the attack. “It is beyond heartbreaking,” said Feiglin. “An 11 year old girl attacked by a firebomb straight into her face.”
“I am not angry at the terrorists,” the girl’s father told MK Feiglin. “It also does not interest me if they catch them or not. We are in a war. It is a national war, not a personal battle. Just as when I serve in the army, it does not interest me who exactly shot the shell from the Syrian tank, so the personal identity of the terrorists does not concern me. We are in a war and the reaction cannot be pseudo-criminal.”
“We have a beloved state that needs to be shaken awake, restored to its original path and saved – from itself,” said MK Feiglin.
Please pray for the recovery of Ayalah bat Rut.

MK Moshe Feiglin: Another Cover-Up of Terror Murder

MK Moshe Feiglin met on Friday with Nivah Ben Tzion. Nivah is the widow of the iconic farmer, Avi Ben Tzion, the “Jordan Valley Man” from Netiv Hagdud.

Avi was murdered last month by three Arabs from the village of Akrabeh. They  staged an accident, and when Avi got out of his car, they smashed his head so many times that it was nearly impossible to identify him. To make matters even worse for the family, the terrorists stole Avi’s car, leading the police to immediately classify the attack as a crime and not a terror attack.
“He was run over when they escaped,” they explained to the horrified Nivah.
“Avi was murdered twice,” says Nivah. “Once by the Arabs and once by the State of Israel.”
The Ben Tzion story comes on the heels of the rappelling terror attack in which Netanel Arami was murdered. It turns out that there are many more cases of police cover-ups of terror attacks. “There is no doubt that this is a police method, said MK Moshe Feiglin.  “If there is any way to pass off the terror attack as an accident or criminal event, the police and security apparatus will do so, adding insult to the searing pain of the families whose lives have been destroyed.”
Feiglin promised Nivah to work on this case with the same resolve with which he worked on the Arami rappelling case. “Nivah asked me to attend a memorial service for her husband at the site of the murder on Wednesday at 2 pm,” Feiglin said. The service will take place at the T junction of Highway 5: Left to the Jordan Valley, right to Kochav Hashachar. The Likud primaries are on Wednesday,  but I promised to come. The Arami  family and other families who have endured similar abuse will also be there. It very important to attend.”
Feiglin plans to organize the families into a coordinated group “and to bring an end to this inexcusable phenomenon.”

MK Moshe Feiglin: IDF Finally on the Professional Army Bandwagon

The Ha’aretz newspaper reported on Sunday that the IDF is preparing for a transition to a volunteer  army. “The IDF seems to have caught on to something I have been saying for years and for which I established the Professional Army Caucus in the Knesset: Israel needs a professional volunteer army,” said MK Moshe Feiglin. According to Feiglin the professional volunteer army would work as follows:

Everybody in Israel would be drafted for a short basic training and would be discharged. The IDF would choose the volunteers it prefers for full service. Those soldiers who enlist will receive: Professional training and weaponry, a good salary, academic studies and social status. “This is the way to an efficient, professional army,” said Feiglin. “We will save the costs of the tremendous obscure unemployment in the army. We will channel more young people into the economy and improve it. We will stop fighting with those who do not wish to enlist. And we will finally be able to increase liberty in one of the most coercive places in Israel,” Feiglin concluded.

Pre-Election Interview with MK Moshe Feiglin

 MK Moshe Feiglin on Israel's Pressing Issues

Translated from Israel's Channel 2

Zohar Yisrael
Can you give us some details on your political/state platform?
"My political/state platform is well known, and I have presented it clearly: One state in the territorial expanse of the Land of Israel, affording full human rights to those Arabs who choose to remain under Israeli sovereignty, while encouraging emigration for all those Arabs who choose to live in a different state. I do not define myself as a rightist. My political home is in the Likud and perhaps that is what makes me unique. I do not belong to any particular category. I advocate liberty in its most basic form. Sometimes, I even vote with the Left; for example on repealing Israel's antiquated State of Emergency law."

The Likud primaries will be taking place on Wednesday. Last time, you won the 14th slot on the Likud roster and were pushed down the list to make room for the reserved spots for the Yisrael Beiteinu party. What slot do you think you will win this time?
"I expect to progress a number of slots."
The polls are predicting that the Likud will lose some Knesset seats. What will happen if you win an unrealistic slot on the roster?
"I wasn't born with a chair attached to the place where one sits and it will not break me. I adhere to the values of Jewish identity and national identity. These values have been virtually abandoned by the National Camp. My identity strengthens my deep faith in liberty, empowering me to propose new ideas such as transforming the IDF into a professional volunteer army, lifting the restrictions on medical marijuana and protesting organ harvesting in China. Identity and liberty are not mutually exclusive. In fact, they complement each other."
The Likud is putting more emphasis on security issues.
"It is hard to know what issues are being emphasized, because one of the problems is that the issues have been blurred. I strive to restore the Likud to its original ideology; both in matters of state and certainly on social issues, as well."
If so, why did you withdraw your candidacy for chairmanship of the Likud?
"I will always continue to strive to head the Likud. But both the current Chairman of the Likud (Netanyahu) and the Chairman of the Likud Central Committee (Danon) together created a situation that rendered the simultaneous race for chairmanship of the Likud and the Likud Knesset primaries - impossible. I will wait until this wave passes and when the next wave comes, I will once again run for chairmanship of the Likud."
Your Facebook page says that you are a candidate for the premiership.
"I certainly see myself as a candidate for the premiership - after I become Chairman of the Likud."
Have you ever thought of joining a different party? Aren't the Jewish Home or Yisrael Beiteinu parties more in line with your values and platform?
"Never. I strive to lead the National Camp. This leadership was and will remain in the hands of the Likud. What has to be done now is to liberate ourselves from the mentality that we have adopted in the last twenty years. You see t hat I am not afraid to speak out without fear of the political correctness that has brought Israel nothing but wars and violence and has cost us one trillion Shekels to date.
Who do you endorse for chairmanship of the Likud?
"There is a reason why we stand behind a screen when we vote, but I will say this: There is no real difference today between Netanyahu and Danon. Both candidates say exactly the same thing. Danon is not presenting a real alternative; not in speech and not in his political actions. Choosing between the two is insignificant."
When you will be PM, will you work to institute a Jewish-law state?
"No, I oppose religious parties. I think it is a bad idea. I want to return the family to the citizens. Unfortunately, the status of family has been taken away and dissolved. I also strive to restore local communities, to allow the citizen to stand up to the State as an individual and as part of the collective community - and to be truly free. For example, those communities that choose to run public transportation on Shabbat should be allowed to do so.
What about civil marriage?
"I am in favor of civil union as long as it does not uproot the status of the traditional family. It is of utmost importance to safeguard the value of the traditional family: a man and a woman. The question of all the other types of unions, such as same-gender unions, can be resolved by civil union - as long as it is clear that they have a different moral status than the traditional family. If you claim that everything is considered a family, then you are actually saying that nothing is considered a family."
Why is a homosexual couple morally different than a heterosexual couple?
"The traditional family paradigm has a unique status of its own. It is an individual's right to live with a same-gender partner. I respect that and support his right to access the medical records of his partner and the like. But we cannot claim that morally, the same-gender 'family' is identical to the traditional family."
Do you support their right to adopt children? 
"No, I oppose adoption by same-gender coup les. Talking about their right to raise children without talking about a child's right to both a mother and a father is not reasonable. This bill would allow an adult to enjoy a privilege at the expense of a child. A child needs a mother and a father. Whoever listens to the heart of the child and not just to political correctness knows that well."
Good luck in the primaries. Did you make any deals?
"Yes, that is the way the system works. However, I made deals only with those candidates with whom I see eye-to-eye ideologically and sociologically. So most of the votes that I get will not be the product of deals. I did not make any deals with MKs or groups that do not fit me ideologically."

Sunday, December 28, 2014

Israel and the non-omnipotent US presidency

By Ambassador (ret.) Yoram Ettinger

White House and Department of State officials contend that – irrespective of Congress - President Obama can apply effective diplomatic, commercial and national security pressure, coercing Israel to repartition Jerusalem, and retreat from the mountain ridges of Judea and Samaria to the 9-15 mile wide pre-1967 sliver, surrounded by the violently turbulent and unpredictable Arab Street.   
That inaccurate underestimate of the power of Congress – which has traditionally opposed pressure on Israel, echoing the sentiments of most constituents - was recently expressed by US Ambassador to Israel, Dan Shapiro: "what is unmistakable about our foreign policy system is that the Constitution provides the president with the largest share of power…."  
The assertion that US foreign policy and national security are shaped by presidential omnipotence is refuted by recent precedents and the US Constitution.  The latter was created by the Founding Fathers, who were determined to limit the power of government and preclude the possibility of executive dictatorship. They were apprehensive of potential presidential excesses and encroachment, and therefore assigned the formulation of foreign policy and national security to bothCongress and the president.  Obviously, the coalescing of congressional policy among 535 legislators constitutes a severe disadvantage for the legislature.   
According to the Congressional Quarterly, the US Constitution rectified the mistakes of its predecessor, the Articles of Confederation, upgrading the role of Congress to the primary branch of the US government.  "Hence, the first article of the Constitution is dedicated to Congress. The powers, structure, and procedures of the national legislature are outlined in considerable detail in the Constitution, unlike those of the presidency and the judiciary…."
Unlike all other Western democracies – where the executive branch of government dominates the legislature, especially in the area of international relations and defense - the US Constitution laid the foundation for the world's most powerful legislature, and for an inherent power struggle over the making of foreign policy between the legislature and the executive, two independent, co-equal and co-determining branches of government.  Moreover, while the president is the commander-in-chief, presidential clout depends largely on congressional authorization and appropriation in a system of separation of powers and checks and balances, especially in the areas of sanctions, foreign aid, military assistance, trade agreements, treaty ratification, appointment confirmation and all spending.
Congressional power has been dramatically bolstered since the Vietnam War, Watergate, Iran Gate and globalization, which have enhanced the involvement of most legislators in international issues, upgraded the oversight capabilities of Congress, dramatically elevated the quality and quantity of some 15,000(!) Capitol Hill staffers and have restrained the presidency. 
However, Congress has often abdicated its constitutional power in the area of foreign policy, failing to fully leverage the power of the purse: funding, defunding and "fencing." Thus, legislators prefer to be preoccupied with domestic issues,which are the primary concerns of their constituents and, therefore, decide their re-electability. Therefore, they usually allow the president to take the lead in the initiation and implementation of foreign and national security policies, unless the president abuses their trust, outrageously usurping power, violating the law, assuming an overly imperial posture, pursuing strikingly failed policies, or dramatically departing from national consensus (e.g., the deeply rooted, bi-partisan commitment to the Jewish State). Then, Congress reveals impressive muscle as befits a legislature, which is the most authentic reflection of the American people, unrestrained by design, deriving its power from the constituent and not from party leadership or the president, true to the notion that "the president proposes, but Congress disposes."  
For example: 
*On August 1, 2014, Democratic senators forced President Obama to de-link the $225mn funding of Iron Dome batteries from the highly controversial $2.7bn immigration and border security bill. 
*Since 1982 and 1999, the Senate has repeatedly refused to ratify the Convention on the Law of the Sea and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.
*The January 2013 defense authorization bill tightened restrictions on the transfer of terrorists from Guantanamo to the US.  In May 2009, Majority Leader Harry Reid foiled President Obama's attempt to close down the detention camp.
*On February 17, 2011, President Obama reluctantly vetoed a UN Security Council condemnation of Israel's settlement policy, due to bi-partisan Congressional pressure. 
*In September 2012, a $450 million cash transfer to the Muslim Brotherhood regime in Egypt was blocked by Congress.

*The 2012 budget cut into Obama's foreign aid spending request by more than $8bn.

*In 2009, bi-partisan congressional opposition prevented the appointment of Chas Freeman to chair the National Intelligence Council. 
*In 1990-92, Congress approved a series of amendments, unprecedentedly expanding US-Israel strategic cooperation, despite presidential opposition.
*In 1990, President Bush failed in his attempt to cut Israel's foreign aid by 5% due to Congressional opposition.
*In January, 1975, the Jackson-Vanik Amendment was signed into law, in defiance of the president.
*Congress ended US military involvement in Vietnam (the 1973 Eagleton, Cooper and Church amendments), Angola (the 1976 Clark Amendment) and Nicaragua (the 1982-1984 Boland Amendments).
In 1991, Senator Daniel Inouye fended off Administration pressure to withdraw an amendment to upgrade the port of Haifa facilities for the Sixth Fleet: "According to the US Constitution, the legislature supervises the executive, not vice versa….” Will the 114th Congress follow in his footsteps, or will it abdicate its constitutional responsibilities?

Thursday, December 25, 2014

Leadership and Brotherhood

A Torah Thought for Parshat Vayigash 

By MK Moshe Feiglin

“And Joseph said to his brothers, “I am Joseph, does my father still live?” And his brothers could not answer him because they were afraid of him.”(From this week’s Torah portion, Vayigash, Genesis 45:3)
Why didn’t the brothers recognize Joseph earlier? True, he had grown a beard. He was also in a completely unexpected place, boasting a completely unexpected status and wearing unexpected attire. But still – the eyes are the same eyes, it is the same forehead, the same tone of speech. Wouldn’t you identify your brother in his old kindergarten picture? Or your father in an old black and white photo from when he was a young boy of 17?
Still, Joseph’s brothers – who are certainly not stupid – come face to face with their brother, speak with him, focus on him – and not one of them catches on? Not one of them thinks, “What is going on here? This guy reminds me of somebody. Where do I know him from?” Nothing?

Nothing. Because in their minds and hearts, Joseph was no longer their brother. When they threw Joseph into the pit, the brothers buried the brotherhood that was in their hearts. Even when the brothers were face to face with Joseph, they did not recognize him, because they had erased him from their consciousness.
How can such a complete rift ever be mended? Two conditions must be met:
First, Joseph must become a leader. Instead of his fate being in the hands of his brothers, their fate must be in his hands. But that is not enough. It does not bring the brothers to the point at which they remember that they actually have another brother. For that, the second condition must be fulfilled.
The second condition is that Joseph will remember their common roots – in this case, their father. “Does my father still live?” Joseph asks immediately upon revealing himself to his brothers. It is a strange question. Throughout Joseph’s dialogue with the brothers, their father is mentioned time and again. It is obvious that he is alive. But Joseph does not ask if our father still lives. He does not address his question to his brothers, at all. He addresses it to himself. Does my father still live within me? After all these years of distance and pain am I capable of becoming once again a son of the same father as these other men? Do I have the fortitude to once again become part of the family – a brother to the people who hurt me so badly?
Leadership and brotherhood are the secret of mending the gaping hole.
And specifically in that order.
Shabbat Shalom

MK Feiglin: No to Bill that Equates Traditional Family with Same-Gender Relationships

On the last night of Chanukah, MK Moshe Feiglin was invited to light the Chanukah candles at an event organized by the Likud Liberal Movement. Other liberal Likud candidates attended as well, as did a representative from the Likud LGBT community in Israel.
The LGBT representative asked MK Feiglin why he voted against the Yesh Atid Kohl bill; a bill that was proposed to make the taxation of homosexual couples the same as that of normative couples.  “The bill does not come to solve a personal problem, which could have been solved with a simple bylaw and garnered my support,” said Feiglin.
“The wording of the Kohl bill equates the traditional family with single-gender relationships,” Feiglin continued. “A large majority of Israelis believe in the values of the classic family. Any attempt to change those fundamental values by legislation is nothing more than coercion of the values of the minority upon the majority. A law is supposed to express values – not to create them and certainly not to force them upon the public,” MK Feiglin concluded.

Wednesday, December 24, 2014

Harsh Justice, Mercy & Forgiveness: HaRav Nachman Kahana on Parashat Vayiegash 5775

Parashat Vayiegash 5775 
Rabbi Nachman Kahana

Harsh Justice, Mercy & Forgiveness

At the end of parashat Va’ye’chi, we learn of a baffling encounter between Yosef and his brothers. They prostrated themselves before Yosef and reminded him that their father, Ya’akov, had warned him not to seek revenge. To this, Yosef answered, “Ha’ta’chat E-lo’kim ano’chi!” — “Am I God’s messenger (agent) in this matter?!”
Where do we find in the Torah that Ya’akov told Yosef not to enact punishment on his brothers?
It would appear quite strange that Ya’akov would candidly and inexplicitly tell his 50 year old son, the viceroy of the day’s super-power, whom he should or should not forgive.
I suggest:
Ya’akov did indeed impart to Yosef, to forgive his brothers, albeit in an obscure and sophisticated manner.
In our Parsha Va’yigash (46:29), Ya’akov meets Yosef after 20 years of separation, and Yosef collapsed in his father’s arms and cried bitterly.
Rashi comments that the pasuk describes only what Yosef was doing, but not Ya’akov’s reaction. Quoting the Midrash, Rashi informs us that Ya’akov was reciting “Shema”.
Now, if it was time to recite the morning or evening Shema, than Yosef should have been reciting it together with Ya’akov. And if it was not the time, why was Ya’akov saying Shema?
I believe that the Midrash is informing us of Ya’akov’s profoundest thoughts at that time. At that most dramatic moment, Ya’akov’s life suddenly passed before him: the good, sweet days in his parents’ home before having to run away; the meeting and marriage to the beautiful, righteous Rachel; the birth of his children and his return to Erertz Yisrael. In contrast there were also the bitter days of strife with his brother Esav; the death of his beloved Rachel. And, worst of all the disappearance of his son Yosef.
Up until that moment, in Ya’akov’s mind all that transpires in one’s life is an emanation of either HaShem’s midat ha’din – harsh quality of justice, which is expressed when referring to HaShem as    א-לוקים  or HaShem’s midat ha’rachamim – quality of mercy, when HaShem is expressed as י-ה-ו-ה.
Yosef’s disappearance was midat ha’din in all its ferocity.
Suddenly, at that moment when seeing Yosef and his impossible rise to power in a foreign and threatening land by the hand of God, Ya’akov realized the error in his world view. The disappearance of Yosef, which was in his mind the epitome of midat hadin, was in fact midat ha’rachamim, for it prepared the way to provide sustenance for the Jewish family (nation) at that very difficult time.
At that moment, Ya’akov understood that the dichotomy of midat ha’din and midat ha’rachamim was erroneous, for in essence they are one. Because the preparation for midat ha’rachamim in this world is a period of suffering. Ya’akov, at that moment, attempted to relate to Yosef this very crucial lesson — that the experiences which befell him at the hands of his brothers, were God’s way of providing salvation for the family, and it was all in the context of midat harachamim.
Ya’akov calls out loud so Yosef should hear his words: Shema Yisrael HaShem E-lo’kay’nu HaShem E’chad, not as reciting Kriat Shema, but he was speaking to himself for his own name is “Yisrael”.
And Ya’akov was stating that HaShem י-ה-ו-ה  which is midat ha’rachamim and  א-לוקים     which is midat ha’din are in fact HaShem  י-ה-ו-ה  E’chad — one, for both are essentially midat ha’rachamim. Here Ya’akov was telling Yosef to forgive and forget since the whole episode of his being sold was the result of midat harachamim. However, Yosef was too hurt to do so. Yosef, the victim, seeks not only compensation, but also justice in the form of punishment for the perpetrators of his suffering.
In the 17 years that Yosef lived with his brothers in apparent harmony, the brothers were cognizant of one brutal fact — Yosef never said to them sa’lach’ti — “I forgive you.” So, when Ya’akov was no longer present in the family circle, the brothers prepared for the worst.
Their fears were compounded by an event, which is recorded in the Midrash.
Upon their journey to bury Ya’akov in Eretz Yisrael, the entourage passed through the Valley of Dotan, north of Shechem. At a certain spot, Yosef gave the order to halt. He then descended from his imperial carriage and walked several meters to the edge of a pit, knelt down and looked into the deep abyss. This was the pit into which he had been cast by his brothers; that same pit, empty of water but filled with snakes and scorpions.
Yosef knelt there a while and then returned without a word to continue the journey to Chevron. This was a mortifying signal for the brothers — Yosef had neither forgotten, nor forgiven.
On their return to Egypt, the brothers prostrated themselves before Yosef, and reminded him of his father’s message when reciting Shema Yisrael – that their cruelty to Yosef was in fact midat ha’rachamim of God, so they did not deserve punishment.
Yosef replies that they need not worry for “ha’tachat elokim anochi” — “I am not God’s messenger in this matter. I will not punish you, but punishment will be enacted when God sees fit.”
And indeed punishment was meted out to the Jewish nation 1500 years later, at the time of the Roman conquest of Eretz Yisrael in the episode of the ten martyred rabbanim. The Roman governor, after reading the story of Yosef and his brothers, informs the rabbis that since the days of the Brothers, Am Yisrael has not seen ten such great men in one generation. Therefore they will stand in lieu of the ten brothers, and pay the price for their crime of kidnapping and selling a fellow Jew, in keeping with the laws of the Torah.
As stated previously, Yosef, as a victim, informed the brothers that he is not the messenger of God to mete out their due punishment, which will come in time. It is for this reason that the episode of the Ten Martyrs is included in the Yom Kippur liturgy — so that on this solemn day, despite the fact that we are victims of other people’s actions, we should forgive and forget, because not to do so might enact heavenly repercussions we all will regret.

Important Advice

In the spirit of important advice that Ya’akov gave to Yosef, I would like to suggest several rules of behavior which I have gleaned during my lifetime. The suggestions are free but are worth their weight in gold.
The way to know if HaShem loves you
HaShem expresses His love for an individual Jew not by material gain, for there exists the concept of “rasha vetov lo’ – an evildoer who enjoys a good life. But rather by presenting to a person the opportunity to perform infrequent and unconventional mitzvot.
The secret of happiness
The cause of unhappiness is failed expectations. Do not harbor expectations even from those for whom you have done only good.
Gan Eden
One cannot gain entrance to Gan Eden by causing Gehennom for others. Simple example: Those who daven in a loud voice, so that HaShem should hear them, while disturbing other daveners.
Intimate relation with HaShem
Perform an important mitzva, but never reveal it to anyone else so the only ones who are aware of it are HaShem and you.
Your immutable and perpetual companion
All people you will meet in your lifetime will at some time enter into your life and exit it, and you will enter into their lives and leave. Parents, spouse, children and friends each one in turn will enter and eventually distance themselves. While only HaShem will never leave you until eternity.
A prescription for disaster
Satan destroys a person by infusing him with anger. The great Ramban wrote in his classic letter to his son that when one angers, all Gehennom explodes within him. The time will come when medicine will learn that anger causes imbalance in the organic structure which then expresses itself in the worst of our diseases.
Let every Jew, religious or not, ask himself one simple question: If 150 years ago, all Jews in the world were at my level of religiosity and Torah erudition, would there be Jews in the world today?
If all the Jews at that time were like today’s Reform or Conservative leaders, then today there would not be one Jew on the planet.
The Jewish world and I
Another stellar question you should ask yourself: In what way has my presence in the world contributed to the advancement of the Jewish nation?
Silence as a value
Our rabbis in Pirkai Avot have extolled the virtues of “stika” – silence. Firstly, silence can never be misquoted. And since only about 5% of what we say every day has any relevance, it is advisable to consider for one moment, at least, if what is exploding in you to come out is really justified?
Shabbat Shalom,
Nachman Kahana 
Copyright © 5775/2014 Nachman Kahana

MK Moshe Feiglin: Learn from the Macabees

“Chanukah is drawing to an end and my heart is heavy,” said MK Moshe Feiglin on the seventh day of Chanukah.  “Every evening at candle-lighting, we sing the traditional song, Maoz Tzur, repeating the words, ‘Then I will dedicate the altar (in the Holy Temple) with a song of praise.’ We sing the words and move right on to the ubiquitous piles of jelly doughnuts, which we dutifully devour,” Feiglin said.
 “ Unlike us, the Macabees knew exactly what to do when they re-entered the Temple Mount. They quickly took metal rods, fashioned them into a makeshift menorah, and lit the candles in the Holy Temple,” Feiglin continued.
 “What about us?” the MK asked. ”It is almost fifty years since we ‘liberated’ the Temple Mount, and we cannot even pray there.”

Illustration courtesy of the Temple Institute

So What Have I Done in the Knesset for the Past Two Years?

By Moshe Feiglin

Elections are the time to give the public who sent me to the Knesset a comprehensive report on my work there. Israel’s citizens are the sovereign and they deserve to know what their elected representatives have done with their trust.
My most important achievement in the Knesset to date is the new perception that I have brought to politics and the public discourse: Liberty and identity are not mutually exclusive, as many claim. On the contrary: It is only through our identity that we will merit liberty and live meaningful national and personal lives. Conversely, only true liberty will allow us to genuinely connect to our Jewish identity.
The understanding that liberty is the foundation of Jewish existence has motivated me to advance significant bills in the Knesset and to always vote my conscience (even when that goes against the coalition vote). I will always vote in favor of personal liberty and Jewish identity in Israel. The following is my Knesset voting record:
  • Against the extension of Israel’s State of Emergency, in effect since 1948, for the 66th
  • Against administrative detention
  • Against forced feeding of hunger striking prisoners
  • Against the biometric law
  • Against extra taxation of married couples in a shared business (an amendment that I proposed and was passed into law)
  • In favor of equal divorce
  • A bill to prevent accidents by placing a measure of responsibility on drivers
  • In favor of graded transfer of national land to Israel’s citizens
  • In favor of a truly open market (not transfer of national assets to controlling interests) and against populist nationalization of the market
  • Fearless war on corruption (I removed my Knesset immunity in face of the Sarel Company threats against me at huge personal financial risk)
  • Against harnessing civil institutions (universities) to the pursuit of draft evaders
  • Against increasing authority to arrest people without trial
  • In favor of the One Chief Rabbi Bill, which I proposed
  • In favor of the conversion reform
  • In favor of civil union as a personal solution (as long as it does not threaten the ethical standing of the traditional family)
  • In favor of the Medical Marijuana Bill, which I proposed
  • Against organ harvesting in China (a caucus that I initiated)
  • In favor of a professional volunteer army (a caucus that I initiated)
  • Against budget-based pensions over 15,000 NIS per month, funded by the public
  • In favor of preserving family values (Liberty and identity are contingent on family and community)
  • Intense efforts to free our brother, Jonathan Pollard
  • And more…
In addition to my struggle for personal liberty in Israel and preservation of our Jewish identity and family values, I continued my fervent struggle for loyalty to the Land of Israel. I began this struggle years ago, with the advent of the Oslo Accords. It was then that I established the Zo Artzeinu movement to fight against the Oslo Accords, and later Manhigut Yehudit. These two organizations engendered three major breakthroughs in Israeli mentality, settlement and politics:
  • Zo Artzeinu’s Mivtza Machpil plan broke through the fences around the settlements and their accompanying siege mentality, eventually giving rise to today’s outpost phenomenon.
  • Manhigut Yehudit’s major registration drive for the Likud transformed the belief-based public into an important and sought-after political ally.
  • Inside the Likud, the faith-based public began to dream of leading the nation
  • The new reality forced the old NRP to adopt the language and ideas created by Manhigut Yehudit, making the faith-based public politically relevant.
I did not deviate from my principles and with G-d’s help, did not bow to political pressure. Sometimes I even voted alone against the coalition, preserving my absolute loyalty to our Land. For example, I voted:
  • Against giving the Negev to the Bedouin (called the Prawer Committee decisions)
  • In favor of the bill that makes any negotiations on Jerusalem contingent on the signatures of 80 MKs.
  • Against the bill that evokes moral equivalence between traditional families and homosexual couples
  • Against the state budget (!) in an attempt to repeal the government decision to free terrorists from Israeli prisons.
  • In favor of the bill to free Jewish prisoners along with Arab terrorists
My attendance record in the Knesset committees and plenum are among the highest and among other achievements I:
  • Successfully prevented the planned confiscation of personal firearms (mostly from the residents of Judea and Samaria) by means of mandatory psychological examinations – a most basic civil liberties issue.
  • Reigned in the verbal violence of the Arab MKs and when necessary, fearlessly showed them the exit from the Knesset plenum
  • Triumphed against all the powers-that-be that attempted to blur the rappelling terror attack that murdered Netanel Arami, may G-d avenge his blood.
  • Consistently charted out the proper course for dealing with Gaza throughout the Defensive Shield Operation
  • Breached the borders of leftist political correctness by declaring at every opportunity that there is no Palestinian nation and that this is our Land.
  • Placed the true diplomatic answer to the two-state-solution on the Knesset table: One state for one Nation in one Land. Explained the true demographic and geopolitical facts.
  • Above and beyond everything else – I fearlessly and persistently fought to restore and preserve Israeli sovereignty on the Temple Mount. Threats to my life from radical Islamic quarters and the requisite bodyguard and guards watching over my home will not intimidate me.
With your support, I hope to continue to promote all these issues and to advance our struggle for liberty, identity and meaning in Israel in the next Knesset.

MK Moshe Feiglin’s Knesset Record 2013-2014

As a Member of the Knesset, Moshe Feiglin has focused on two interconnected areas: Advancing the personal liberty of Israeli citizens and empowering their Jewish identity. In complete opposition to the concept of advancing liberty by negating identity, MK Feiglin believes that true liberty (and peace) is possible only as a result of Israel’s connection to its identity and unique mission.
The synthesis of these two axes is the key to success and new meaning that are lacking in Israel’s public and private precincts. With the core values of identity, meaning and identity, Israel can deal with the challenges facing it and progress to a completely new horizon, a secure future and tremendous prosperity.

:::: Education and Empowering the Family Unit ::::

 Cost of Living
MK Feiglin’s Family Income Tax bill will ease the burden on the middle class and allow families to fully actualize the tax points for which they are eligible.
MK Feiglin has proposed a bill to repeal the tax on couples who work in a shared business.

Promoting Integrity
MK Feiglin has taken preparatory actions to restore parental responsibility for their children’s education by fostering their right to choose the school at which their children will study.
MK Feiglin has taken preparatory actions to change government and society’s shameful approach to divorced fathers.

:::: Health ::::

 The Liberty to Feel Good
MK Feiglin has proposed a bill to foster quick, professional and simple treatment with medical marijuana for those patients who need it. The bill will also increase the types of illnesses and number of patients eligible to enjoy the advantages of cannabis.

:::: Corruption ::::

Health System
MK Feiglin exposed the corruption in the Sarel Medical Company. The company has been a cesspool of corruption, guzzling the Health Ministry budget for over 20 years. Sarel is both a private and a government-owned company simultaneously and is exempt from serving tenders for five years to the sum of approximately 8 billion NIS(!)

:::: Pension ::::

MK Feiglin has begun to expose the dimensions of the excessive government funded pensions and has created a detailed plan to deal with this important issue.

 :::: Personal Security: The Right to Bear Arms ::::

Bearing arms for self-defense is a most basic human right. In the face of the increase in terror attacks, MK Feiglin successfully prevented the government plan to confiscate most of the licensed firearms in private possession. He supported supervision of firearms in the hands of security companies alone.

:::: Religion and State ::::

MK Feiglin’s One Chief Rabbi bill was passed by a large Knesset majority. The bill propels the Torah of Israel from community status (as in the Diaspora) to the national status that befits it in the process of  the historic Return to Zion.

:::: Practical Opposition to Terrorist Release ::::

MK Feiglin was the only Knesset Member to vote against last year’s budget (5773) as a way to halt the morally/diplomatically bankrupt decision to free terrorists from Israeli prisons.

:::: Drawing the Line on Arab Verbal Violence in the Knesset ::::

In his position as Deputy Speaker of the Knesset, MK Feiglin safeguarded the honor of IDF soldiers and the State of Israel when he prevented Arab MKs from identifying with the enemy from the Knesset podium. MK Feiglin established clear borders on Knesset discourse: Any defamation of IDF soldiers from the Knesset podium will result in immediate expulsion from the plenum.

:::: Sovereignty ::::

The Temple Mount, the most holy place for the Jewish Nation; the place that gives meaning and validity to our presence in Israel, to all our hopes and dreams, must be a national priority. Despite all the pressure and attempts to prevent it, MK Feiglin blazed the trail to an historic Knesset deliberation on Israeli sovereignty on the Temple Mount.

MK Feiglin presented a true alternative to the Gaza problem in the public arena and in the media. He stated that the only way to triumph in Gaza is to admit the truth: Gaza is Israel’s and must be under Israeli sovereignty, similar to the Arab-populated city of Jaffa. Only those who can admit this truth can devise the tactics for a true and expeditious victory.  MK Feiglin’s statements were presented with a detailed blueprint for action and practical answers.